Paris: Is the freedom of press at risk ?

Paris: Is freedom of the press in danger ?

The gendarmerie is preparing for its deployment. Act 23, Paris / Boulevard Richard Lenoir

The ongoing protests of the Gilets Jaunes are putting the French government under increasing pressure. After the announcement of a first ultimatum (Act 18 / 16 March) to President Macron, violent riots were already foreseeable weeks before. But another temporary climax of the escalation in France’s heated political climate was reached on April 20 (Act 23). The French leadership under Macron, which since December not only prevents participants of the Gilets Jaunes protests from entering the capital Paris, but also arrests them – with partly grotesque reasons.

Journalists are also increasingly being targeted by the state. What is striking here is that police attacks taking place on independent journalists.

A particularly critical stage was reached during the 23rd act of the Yellow Vests, when seven journalists in Toulouse and about twelve others in Paris were prevented from their work. While water cannons or flashball cannons were targeted at press people, fragments of dispersion grenades and baton blows also hit the independent reporters. Most spectacular, however, were the temporary detentions of two journalists: Alexis Kraland and Gaspard Glanz.


Can still smile for a photo with policemen. A little boy during Act 4 (8 December) in Paris.


When the police knows you by your first name

Hello Gaspard“, the Commissioner greeted the journalist Gaspard Glanz this Saturday on the square of the République in the north of Paris.

A short time later, the founder of Taranis News gets a grenade thrown at him which burns his trouser leg.

Angrily, he runs towards the group of policemen and asks the commissioner to speak. In the following scenario a policeman becomes violent towards him and pushes him backwards. He then shows him the stinky finger and is taken into custody by four policemen. The arrest, which was filmed by Hors Zone Press, ends with the policemen beating around themselves with their batons, dissolving the rest of the gathering of journalists around the action.

The Gaspard Glanz case needs special attention. Recognised in the industry as a video journalist, he has been documenting social movements in France for some time and regularly attends various demonstrations. With his production company Taranis News, he became known for his reporting during the Labour Laws, Notre Dames of the country and a report on the “Jungel of Calais”. His reportage traded him various entries in identification files, such as the “Fiche S” (State Security) and “Fiche J” (State wanted). However, he is not sought by the state, but continues to function in this file, despite a request to remove this marking.


We were there when the release of the video journalist Gaspard Glanz was demanded in front of the commissariat of the 12th arrondissement in Paris.


A birthday in the jail cell for… ?

A fame that earned him a deprivation of liberty of over 48 hours and a birthday in the prison cell. On Monday 22.04.2019 a handful of journalists and private persons demonstrated for his release in front of the commissariat of the 12th arrondissement in Paris. We were there. Under condition he was released in the evening: Prohibition to appear and film in Paris on 1 May and Saturdays. On Monday 29.04.2019, however, this ban was successfully challenged in court by his lawyers. However, in some other European countries it would be unthinkable to impose a ban on the reporting of demonstrations.

The basis for his arrest is the law paragraph “disregard of persons with public authority” as well as “participation in a grouping for the commission of criminal offences or degradations”. While there is nothing to add to the first, the last accusation raises considerable questions.


Journalists in the crossfire of authoritarian laws?


Raphael Kempf, one of Gaspard Glanz’s lawyers, points out in his interview with Revue Ballast that legislation in France in recent years has not only damaged the right to demonstrate. Journalists, too, feel the interpretation of the law against its original purpose.

In 2010 under Sarkozy, Article 222-14-2 was included in the Code of Criminal Procedure. This prohibits participation in a group for the commission of criminal offences. Originally conceived in the context of the riots in the banlieues, it was intended to prevent the gathering of juveniles who could possibly cause riots.

The paragraph is strongly reminiscent of the film “Minority Report”, in which people are sentenced on the basis of a prediction and stands in direct contrast to the presumption of innocence:

“Every defendant is considered innocent until proven guilty by law.”


(Article 48, Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union)

Nine years later, it is this paragraph that brings Gaspard brilliance to the prison collection site. And incidentally, it is used against a large number of Yellow Vest demonstrators to prevent them from exercising their right to demonstrate. This is usually done in combination with people checks and is imposed when suspicious objects are found. These can include ski goggles, helmets and respirators. Usually the same pattern is followed. A suspicious object is found which gives the reason to take the person into custody. 24 hours later, after the demonstration is over, they are released.


Disguised as a warning sign, a demonstrator points to the police violence.


The anti-riot law also affects the press


The law against troublemakers, popularly known as the “Loi Anti-Casseur“, was passed by the French state on 10 April 2019 after the violent riots in the context of the Yellow Vest movement.

The aim is to prohibit people from entering a defined area if they refuse to carry out physical checks or if they are in possession of objects that can per se be regarded as potential weapons. A card index will also be created for persons who are subject to a ban on demonstrations. This is limited to a clearly defined area, but can be very annoying for the persons. For example, Gaspard Glanz had to leave Paris for Act 24 (27 April 2019) at its own expense, threatening further consequences in the event of non-compliance. However, the ban on taking part in a demonstration and the ban on wearing a mask must also be viewed critically. While the use of rubber bullets is prohibited in other EU countries, and dispersion grenades are only used in extremely dangerous situations, they have become part of everyday life in France. Protective helmets and breathing masks, which protect the demonstrators from the worst effects, are thus criminalised. A situation that also affects journalists who need this equipment to protect their health.

If your camera is seen as a weapon

A freelance journalist films with his camera during the Ultimatum 1 (Act 18) of the Yellow Vest in Paris at the Champs-Elysée. The background shows a day on a wooden wall. It is written on it: “End of the world, end of the month. The same culprits, the same fight.”

Alexis Kraland, journalist from Paris, followed the yellow vests on the same Saturday to the subway station of the Gare du Nord, the northern station of Paris. There he was surrounded by policemen and asked to hand over his camera. When he refused, they pressed him against the wall and handcuffed him. When asked why the police wanted his camera, they replied that they were acting on behalf of the prosecution and that the camera could be a weapon. A policeman hit him on the hand with which he was holding his equipment. After the police threatened to confiscate the equipment of the surrounding photographers, they left the scene.

Afterwards his bag was searched where the police found remains of cannabis in his grinder. First, the police said the reason for Alexis Kraland’s arrest was rebellion against surrendering his camera. At the police station the reason was changed to “possession of narcotics”. Apparently neither of the two reasons was accepted by the prosecutor’s office, because at CheckNews/Liberation’s request the Paris prosecutor’s office stated that the reason was “participation in a group with regard to violence or humiliation”. After eight hours in custody Kraland was released, but his protective equipment had previously been destroyed by the police.


Is freedom of the press under threat in France?

If you look at the order to Glanz which prohibited him from filming in Paris on Saturdays, it is questionable what a stinky finger has to do with documenting public protest movements. Currently, the French government does not seem to tolerate independent reporting.

The Yellow Vest movement, which has grown into a serious social movement, seems to be the result of the policies of recent decades in France: a powerless lower class that fights persistently and with anger against a repressive leadership style that promotes the elites.

Whether the popularity of the neoliberal Macron will increase if he now makes the independent press his enemy ? Social media even make comparisons with autocratic systems.

In any case, the question is slowly emerging as to whether the freedom of the press is still valid in France or whether it is already acutely endangered. At any rate, destroying the protective equipment of rapporteurs and detaining journalists for hours without good reason are indicators of a dwindling right to free reporting.

Marseille: Housing collapse claims eight lives

A Street Art of Nelson Mandela in the neighbourhood of Noailles in Marseille. The neighbourhood is known for derelict housing.

It’s a miracle that accidents don’t happen every day in Marseille,” says an anonymous expert from the TGI (Tribunal de grande instance de Marseille), among other things, about what happened on 5 November 2018 in the district of Noailles, Marseille. Two dilapidated houses collapsed in the morning and eight people were buried in the rubble. The doors of the first house, which has been classified as dilapidated since 2008, were locked or bricked up, but neighbours suspect that squatters have nevertheless gained access. In the second collapsed house, from which chunks of the façade had already broken out in September of this year, there were nine apartments, inhabited by couples and families. But these houses are by no means the only ones in a precarious condition. A government survey carried out in 2015 showed that 40,000 houses (out of a population of around 100,000) were “a risk to health or safety”. In the Noailles district, 48 percent of the building stock is considered dilapidated and inhumane.

The anger of the inhabitants is increasing. On the one hand, it is the homeowners who, even when renovation work is long overdue, only have to do the bare essentials; on the other hand, it is the municipal authorities who do not lift a finger when renovating houses or building social housing. On 14 November 2018, citizens, social organisations and interest groups commemorated the victims during a protest march with around 8,000 demonstrators.

The lack of social housing is also what forces many people to move into dilapidated houses, says Florent Houdmon, who works for the Abbé Pierre Foundation in the greater Marseille area against poverty and housing shortages. Nowhere else in France would such conditions exist. It’s no coincidence that the houses of the poor, of all people, are collapsing, as Jean-Luc Mélenchon of France Insoumise is sure when he expresses the thoughts of numerous residents of Marseille.

A technical explanation for the collapses could be the rainfalls that occurred days before, which are also held responsible for the cracks in the walls and a front door that no longer fits into the frame. However, this does not explain the lack of implementation of the principle of renovation that had already been adopted 20 years earlier, as Patrick Lacoste from the citizens’ initiative “A city centre for all” makes clear. Now the public prosecutor’s office is investigating for negligent homicide. Jean-Claude Gaudin, Mayor of Marseille since 1995, who was strongly criticised for the incidents, admitted for the first time on Sunday that he had not done enough in the fight against the dilapidated housing conditions. Insight as the first step towards improvement? It will come to light. It remains to be hoped that this incident will remain a unique example which will bring the city administration to action.

 

Paris: Graffiti-Eldorado Linie 12

Farbe ist das neue Gold

Zog es früher die Abenteuerlustigen in den wilden Westen auf der Suche nach Abenteuern, Gold und Reichtum, so zieht es heute die verschiedensten Graffitikünstler und -Vandalen nach Paris. Der Grund?

Die Metrolinie 12 welche Paris von der nördlichen Banlieue Aubervillier zur südlichen Issy-les-Moulineaux durchläuft.

Egal ob ein Graffiti auf der Metro pro Tag oder fünf. Im Zugdepot der 12 herrscht Goldgräberstimmung.

Auf der Suche nach der Farbe auf den Panels der Pariser Metro:

Paris: Ligne 12
Metrolinie 12 Dokumentation. (Photos by ErderWanderer I Urbanauth)

Die U-Bahnlinie erfreut sich großer Beliebtheit bei den zahlreichen heimischen Graffiti-Crews. Von Reis (Lissabon) zu RWS & ORF (Bonn) ist die verruchte Linie 12  ein Pilgerort des Pariser Graffitis.

Und so manches mal auch Ausdruck der Gedankenwelt (“und wie viele Zeiten der Misere und des Übels…“).

Et combien de saisons de misere et de galere…

 

Beliebt bei den Sprühern für sein Design sind die MF67-Modelle, welche ihr erstes Erscheinen zwischen den Jahren 1967 – 1978 feierten. Die zuvor genutzten Züge von Sprague-Thompson wurden abgelöst. Auf der Linie 12 sind 50 der insgesamt 138 MF-67 Modelle in Betrieb. Der Name ergibt sich aus “Métro Fer appel d’offre 1967″  (Eisen-Métro Ausschreibung 1967).

Der blau-weiße Anstrich ist typisch für diese älteren Modelle der Pariser Métroparks. In der Graffiti-Szene weltbekannt für seine Graffiti-ästhetik zieht es regelmäßig Crews von der ganzen Welt in die U-Bahnschächte der Linie 12 bei Porte de la Chapelle. Im unteren Foto ist ein Graffiti von der portugiesischen “Reis”-Crew zu sehe. Diese sind aus Lissabon und heißt übersetzt “Könige”.